The syncrestic religious groups in the Near East have adopted oral methods of transmission and maintain a particular level of secrecy due to the esoteric content of their faith and the consequent risk of persecution. Most members of the syncretistic religions are often left uninformed about their beliefs, yet they distinctly class themselves as religious adherents. Similarities between their traditions include their close relationship with Shi’ism, particularly Ismail’I, while also singing, dancing or chanting to hymns and poetry. Pre-Islamic traditions by the Turcoman tribes, Nestorian Christianity and even Buddhism together with the accompaniment of Persian and Zoroastrian beliefs all working within the social complexity of isolation, diaspora and migration for religious heresy adds to this intricacy. It is said that they stead conversion of many Christians in Anatolia to Islam introduced Gnostic elements that spawned the creation of a unique community of Muslims. Parallels between Near Eastern syncrestictic cosmogony and Christianity can perhaps be dated back to the Battle of Manzikert in 1071 that generated the gradual migration and invasion of Anatolia by the Turks, while the Oghuz people under the Seljuk’s expanded their population until the region became predominately Turkish. Although cosmogonic traditions vary between each heterodox group in and around the Fertile Crescent and Anatolia, religious views of angels and the universe together with accounts of the symbolic and mythological tales about God or the Divine Essence provide evidence of their unique similarities. Persecution by the Ottoman Empire for their religious heterodoxy isolated and ultimately developed a unique community and an orally transmitted tradition. It is important to elucidate the basic tenets of these heterodox communities within and around the Fertile Crescent in order to compare their unique relationship to one another.
Alevi – Turkey
Alevis are a community of heterodox Muslims culture specific to Anatolia [Turkey]. Similar syncretistic religious groups exist in Syria (Alawi), Lebanon (Druze), Iran (Ahl-e Haqq), and in Iraq (Yazidi). The Alevis of Turkey are a unique religious association and have a close relationship with Bektaşi Order who originated from the Balkans. Although there are no exact estimations of the population of Alevis in Turkey, the general consensus is that they make up the largest minority and total 10-20 million in population. Alevis are historically connected to the Turcoman Qizilbaş nomads who converted to Shi’i Islam and theology while Turkish dervish institutions “[h]ad received their characteristic features in western Turkestan from Ahmad Yasawi (d. 562/1166); they had acquired an ever-increasing expansion in Anatolia, but at the same time they had adopted heretical tendencies.” The etymology of the name Alevi is tied to a religious appreciation of ‘Ali Ibn Abi Talib – cousin and son-in-law of the Prophet Mohammad – and only after the 19th century replaced Qizilbaş due to the derogatory label that the latter had established. Like Shi’ism, Alevis also believe that ‘Ali was denied his rightful position as successor to religious and political authority after the death of the Prophet Mohammad, rejecting Abu Bakr, ‘Umar and ‘Uthman as legitimate caliphs. Conspiracies about the authenticity of Sunni Islam has often been suggested, claiming early Islamic representatives have intentionally removed religious passages that could have proven ‘Ali as the rightful successor, only justified with the murder of both ‘Ali and his children Hasan and Huseyn. The gradual obliteration of the ehlibeyt (family of the prophet) provided the room for political power under the banner of Sunni Islam, such as Mu’awiyya who later founded the Umayyad dynasty.
“Ozet olarak, camilerde Hz. Ali’ye kufur ettirilmesi, once Hz. Hasan’in daha sonar Hz. Huseyin ve ailesinin –ki Peygamberin soyu onlardan devam ediyordu- acimasizca oldurulmeleri, Emevi hanedanina karşi muhalif bir inanc, duşunce ve siyasal temeli olan bir harekete yol acmiş ve cok kan dokulen isyanlara sebep olmuştur.”
Alevism is multi-ethnic and linguistic and similar syncretistic religious are spread over a vast geographical are within and around Anatolia and the Fertile Crescent, the region incorporating Mesopotamia, the upper parts of Egypt and the Near East. According to David Zeidan, “[o]ther names include Tahtaci, Abdal, Capni, and Zaza, which signify specific tribal and linguistic identities.” Tracing the historical genesis and development of Alevism remains controversial, as the region has contained many influential civilisations such as the Sumerians, Assyrians and Babylonians, including monotheistic religions beginning with Zoroastrianism through to Islam and the Ottoman Empire. Numerous scholarly and traditional theories have been interchanged and differences between traditional interpretations by various ethnic groups have also been raised. “The PKK and other Kurdish nationalists argued that the Alevism has Zoroastrian origins, saying in fact that the Alevis are related to the Kurds,” yet it is generally acknowledged that Alevis trace their beliefs to the beginning of Islam with pre-Islamic, Christian, Zoroastrian and Buddhist influences until Shi’a Islam spread its authority in the region during the Fatamid Empire. The Fatamid dynasty evolved into a Shi’a Empire beginning 900AD and spread throughout the Fertile Crescent and North Africa. Influenced by the Islamil’I (ithna-ashariyya) Shi’a faith, the Fatamid’s ultimately fell in 1171AD as internal chaos and invasions continuously disrupted the administration, splitting the region into various dynasties, in particular the Seljuq dynasty in 1037AD that was influenced by a heterogeneous combination of Mongol, Turkic and Persian cultures. “[H]e (David Zeidan) defends the Alevis against charges that they are ‘not true Muslims’ (whereas in fact they are a split-away from Fatimid Shi’ism).”
Zoroastrianism is first recorded by Herodotus in 440BC and gradually introduced monotheism (the belief in the one God – Ahura Mazda) in the region. The invasion of the Persian (Achaemenid) Empire by Alexander the Great and the steady growth of the Roman Empire strained Zoroastrianism into a temporary halt, until it revived once again through the Sassanid Empire in 226AD when it officially became the State religion. The Sassanid’s made contact with the East (India and China) and produced a fascinating cultural revolution, particularly with Buddhism, while at the same time became acquainted with Christian theology through a series of violent contact with the Eastern Roman Empire (Byzantine Empire) who spread Christian monophysitic traditions particularly in Syria and the Eastern Mediterranean. The Arab invasions in 651AD and the growth of Islam in the region rapidly changed the structure of society, setting the foundation for the Ottoman Empire beginning 1299AD that eventually became one of the largest and most powerful empires in history. The Ottoman Empire allowed numerous religious and ethnic beliefs systems too remain imperforate. This is perhaps due to not only their significant expansion and lack of ethnically divisive borders all contained with a single administration, but also the jizyah tax or tribute paid by millets (community) for protection. The jizyah levy was economically profitable for the Ottomans, but the refusal to pay created internal division and stimulated violence in the region, particularly with the Mamluks (1250AD – 1517AD), Timurids (1370AD – 1526AD), Black Sheep Turcomans (1375AD – 1468AD), and the Safavids (1501AD – 1736AD).
The Qizilbaş became another notorious militant group who refused to submit to the authority of the Ottomans. Flourishing during the late 13th century, the Qizilbaş had a tribal religious order similar (though not the same) to Sufism, while also being influenced by the heterodox religion of the Safviya mystical order dominant amongst the Safavids. The Qizilbaş were known for their fierce military presence that earned them widespread veneration, particularly amongst the Ottoman Janissaries: “The basis of their fighting spirit, however, was their fierce tribal loyalty (ta’aşşup-I oymakiyyat; ta’aşşup-I kizilbashiyyat).” Similar to the Qizilbaş tribes in Anatolia, the Safavids originated through a Sufi order or tarikat in Iran and grew to become a strong military presence in the region, especially with the support of Qizilbaş warriors. “Finally, the armed help of the latter enabled the young Safavid Sheik Isma’il – who was venerated by his Qizilbaş warriors as the reincarnation of ‘Ali and as the Madhi (‘Redeemer’), bringing the reign of justice on earth – to capture the throne of Iran in 1501.” However, their independence and control of Mesopotamia was short-lived after their refusal to pay jizyah. By violently rebelling against the Ottoman Empire, Shah Isma’ils reign ended with the victory by Sultan Selim in 1514. The violent revolt and gradual collapse of Safavid Persia consequently found many supporters of ‘Ali killed by the Ottomans, particularly during the reign of Sultan Selim II, and it is for this reason the Qizilbaş retreated to the mountains in Anatolia. Sources show that massacres dating from the sixth century and violent conversion of heterodox groups to Sunni Islam were implemented by the Ottoman Empire. Theological differences were nt the only source of the violence against the Alevis. “[T]he decisive factor seems to be the socio-economic tension between the rural population and the central power that intensified toward the end of the fifteenth century in the Ottoman Empire.” The consequent persecutions thus isolated Alevis and created an independent religious and social community.
Alevi villages are patrilineal and patrilocal. Patrilineality is the succession of the male hereditary lineage that can include inheritance of both property and name, whilst patrilocal residence is a social system that involved married couples living with the husbands’ family if they are unable to afford their own property. There are clear hierarchies within Alevi communities that differ quiet considerably from Sunni villages as they are not only much smaller in population, but tend to take an individualist approach to land ownership and pasture; the village (mahalle) divisions only deliquesce during the summer. David Shankland estimates that the average size of an Alevi village is 15-20 households, while the largest he encountered was 50 and the smallest 4, estimating that 10% of the Alevi population belong to a dede lineage. A dede is an essential requirement for the function of Alevi rituals as practiced in villages. It is common amongst many Muslim leaders to claim that they are descendants from religious saints or other authority figures in order to obtain spiritual legitimacy, thus dedes often regard themselves to be descendants of a particular leading figure such as Ibn Arabi, while the effendi claim to be the direct descendants of Haci Bektaş Veli. “The ‘imaginations’ about a supposed common history in processes of ethnicization of suggest that the members of the community may be united by bonds of blood… The dedes claim descent from the Prophet through his cousin and later son-in-law, Ali (b. Abu Talib), his second grandson, Hussein, or others of the Twelve Imams or from Haci Bektaş Veli.”
Dedes often practice religious authority within the community and are the only leading figure that perform prayers and lead the tarikat. A tarikat is a ritual that a dede mediates in order to expose and eliminate any internal communal or domestic conflicts. The tarikat rituals can only be organised by a dede when asked by a talip (pupil) and the ritual itself involves reconciling any disputes that the talip or the cemaat (congregation) may be experiencing. Women can also become anas, which is comparable to the position of a dede but not as influential. The ritual involves the talip being questioned in a ceremony called olmeden olme (don’t die before dying) depicting the type of questioning they themselves may receive on the Day of Judgement by God. All men living within an Alevi village is a talip to a particular dede lineage, thus a tarikat ritual can only be performed if a talip offers a sacrifice to their dede. They are often held in the main living room or the largest room in any home within the village, commonly known as the cemevi (house of gathering) and is a place of performing traditional services and ceremonies, held always at nightfall. Alevis do not use a mosque and the cemevi can be used for more than just religious worship. A rug is laid in the centre of the room, which they call alinin meydani (Ali’s space) and there the cemaat (congregation) are addressed by the dede who attempts to resolve disputes that the villagers or the talip who arranged the tarikat may be experiencing. If there is a problem where no reconciliation is effective, the individual who may be at variance with the majority must leave the cem and become duskun (fallen); this could involve being completely ostracised from the village. A dede also visit their talip lineages in order to reconcile any disputes that may go unrecognised in order for the talip to be clean (temiz) for the planting season.
As an oral tradition, the Alevi community often express their body of beliefs through music and dance, together with other traditional approaches to transmitting knowledge and customs. The ayin-I cem is a ceremony held at night where men and women gather to perform a ritual dance called the semah performed along with the saz (a popular stringed instrument). It is not considered an actual dance but a process of unison with God. Ritual ceremonies are held in two ways; the Abdal Musa, which is open to all village members, and the Gorum, which is private and often with a special legal agenda. The kirklar semahi (the semah of the forty) is a slow-stepping dance that celebrates those who learnt the teachings of ‘Ali, who he himself had learnt from the prophet Mohammad. The gorgu is yet another ritual held in autumn that marks the New Year, while there are cem rituals that celebrate the martyrdom of both Huseyin and Hasan. The most important aspect to Alevi oral tradition occurred through an aşik (wandering musician) who transmitted religious poetry and folk narratives through their songs as they wandered from village to village. Alevis also believe in tensasuh (transmigration of the soul).
Alevis reject the five pillars of Islam – such as pilgrimage to the hajj or fasting during the month of Ramadan – and instead believe in the four paths to God. The four paths or methods are used as a guide for their actions in order to attain a closer union with God. Tarikat, the inner law of the community closed to outsiders; şeriyat, rules arranged by outsiders such as the government or other religious body; Marifet, literally “knowledge” together with Hakikat or being one with God and beyond the physical world. Most dedes own a copy of the book called buyruk (decree), which contains information about tarikat together with the collected sayings of Imam Cafer (the sixth of the twelve Imams according to Twelver Shi’i theology) although it does not contain any codified religious law. Due to religious secrecy and in order to avoid persecution, the takiye was introduced and is practiced among Alevis in order to hide their faith from the community; Allah inancini saklamak zorunda kalan insanlar or those who have no other choice but to hide their religion and faith in God. The takiye was introduced as a way to keep their religious and cultural practices secret, particularly since Alevi religious faith is seen to be an internal mechanism practiced in the heart.
Alevis consider themselves to be Muslim and claim to contain the batini (Islamic revelation) although they reject shari’a and the five pillars of Islam (alms levy, daily prayers, fasting, hajj and the profession of faith) which is merely the zahiri (external faith). The main source of their faith lie in both ‘Ali and Haci Bektaş, whom they view as seceşme (main source) and hulul (incarnation of God in man). “The Alevi also interweave the tarikat ideals into their position vis-à-vis Islam as a whole, so that their religion might be summed up as ‘mystical Shi’ism’. Briefly, they maintain the twelver Shi’ite tradition; that Huseyin and Hasan were murdered at the Kerbela, that the rightly-guided caliphs succeeded them until the twelfth, mehti, disappeared and will ultimately return.
Alevis are known for their visual depiction of ‘Ali and representation of him in song and ritual, which sharply contrasts with the Sunni requirement to hide the personage of any revered prophet or saint, particularly Muhammad. ‘Ali’s famous spine cleaver sword (zulifiqar) is worn on necklaces and is often used as a religious symbol, similar to the cross in Christianity. As the Alevi community is multi-ethnic and linguistic, language plays a predominate role in the construction of identity; there is, therefore, a manifest schism between Turkish and Kurdish Alevis. “Kurt Alvilerin bir dernekleri vardi (federation); fakat, Alevilerinkilerden ayridir.” It cannot be denied that Kurdish communities have maintained a respectable level of cohesion by adopting multiple forms of identities, including language (different Kirdish dialects as well as Turkish), political orientation and ethnicity, while certain communities consider themselves to be Alevi-Kurds and others as Qizilbaş or Zaza-Qizilbaş. Although religious and cultural practices are similarly practiced and appreciated, many Alevi do not consider themselves to be ethnically Turkish. “Both the Kemalist elite as well as the Kurdish national movement are trying to stress what each believes to be an ‘organic relationship’ between Aleviness and either Turkishness or Kurdishness.”
Alevis are prone to secrecy with no accessible scriptures and it is for this reason that conspiracies have been raised and spread with the intent to reduce their religious legitimacy. Tales like the 1922 Nur Baba by Yakup Kadri Karaosmanoglu – a short story describing Alevi debauchery in a ritual ceremony – is one of various fictitional themes that ultimately justified bigotry and eventual discrimination against the community. This can also be seen by academic G.R Driver (1922) who [in all likelihood reiterated what he was told] wrote about the Qizilbaş with the same derogatory stance. “There, after prayers noteworthy only for revolting cynicism and an invocation of the deity of fecundity, the lights are extinguished and the sexes intermingle without regard to age or the ties of kinship.” Driver falsely clams that this “very degraded superstition” worships a large black dog and only call themselves Muslim to receive the same civil rights as other orthodox Muslims. Similar to the Alevis, conspiracies about sexual deviance were circulated about the Alawi community of Syria. “Thus, the theologian al-Ash’ari (874-936) held that Alawism encourages male sodomy and incestuous marriages, and the founder of the Druze religious doctrine, Hamza ibn Ali (d. 1021), write that Alawis consider ‘the male member entering the female nature’ to be the emblem of their spiritual doctrine.” The secrecy of their religious doctrines led to these suspicions, and what better way to dehumanise and justify repression than by fabricating tales of sexual perversion.
Consequently, Alevis have long been persecuted and this violence continues even in secular Turkey today, such as the Sivas massacre where on July 2, 1993, 37 Alevis were killed by radical Islamists who set fire to their hotel. Although the Turkish government is attempting to open the door for a better understanding of the Alevi community, such abrogating themes amongst the uninformed populace remain and have led Alevis to re-consider their social and political position in Turkey. This can be seen by the establishment of various organisations such as the Cem Foundation, which distributes information through journal articles, radio and other forms of media circulation. Thogh it can be said that the end of the Cold War and the economic and political crises of the early 1980’s led to an increased desire for recognition, the attacks on Alevis during the 199’s and the current fear that the Justice and Development Party (AKP) are gradually and quietly implementing Sunni Islamic values has only amplified suspicions and led to an intensification in political, academic and social activism.
The Bektaşi are a Sufi dervish order originating from the Balkan region who acknowledge the twelve Imam’s (Twelver Shi’i) and venerate both ‘Ali and the sixth Imam Ja’far al-Sadiq. The tarikat or Bektaşi Brotherhood particularly view Haci Bektaş Veli as a saint. Haci Bektaş Veli was a Persian mystic from the 13th century and author of the Makalat, his own discourses and teachings that were religiously and spiritually progressive for his time, particularly since he was sympathetic to the poor living conditions and the rights of women. It is often claimed that Haci Bektaş Veli fought against Arab influence over Islam and attempted to release the oppressed rural and impoverished from the exploitation by the elite, preaching “[a] version of Islam which synthesized Sunni and Shi’i beliefs with Muslim and Christian religious practices.” There are claims that Mustapha Kemal was himself a Bektaşi that consequently established a strong political link between the Bektaşi and the Kemalists, but the legitimacy of the argument is weak.
Although similarities between Alevi and Bektaşi exist particularly because of the mystic Haci Bektaş and Pir Sultan Abdal whom they both revere, there are clear differences. “Her ne kadar, Bektaşi ve Alevi, her iki topluluk da, kendilerini Haci Bektaş’a bagliyor ve ayni kokenden geliyor olsalar da, erkan oldukca farklidir.” Unlike the Alevis who were persecuted and consequently isolated, the Bektaşi Order had considerable protection by the Ottomans and contact with the administration. Bektaşi leadership can be offered upon completion of a degree and while being more theologically scriptualised or codified, any person who wishes to join the order are permitted to convert, a clear difference to Alevis who must be a talip or belong to a dede lineage. “Alevism and Bektaşism share neither the same geographical frameworks nor possess the same internal mechanisms and rules… Bektaşism is dominantly Balkan, while Alevism finds its origins in Anatolia. Bektaşism has been mainly urban, while the Alevism was, until recently, mainly rural.”
While most social and religious duties are held by a dede who guides the various prayers and rituals at the cem house, the head of a tekke (dervish lodge) is led by a baba. The tekke at Hacibektaş was once a place of ritual servitude but has now become a museum and a place of ceremonial gathering. It contains the monastery (maydin evi) which is where most of the services are held, but it also has an ekmek evi that includes the women’s quarters and a bake house (or an aş evi which is the kitchen) as well as an area for guests staying at the lodge (mihman evi). Their religious beliefs incorporate a unique blend of Islamic and Christian elements, such as tying Muhammad, ‘Ali and Allah into a trinity or distributing wine, bread and cheese to new members (murshid or aşik), which is “probably a survival of the Holy Communion as practiced by the Artotyrites.” The Bektaşi distinguish rank through the number of folds in their white cap. “The number four symbolises the “four gates”: shari’a [şeriyat], tarika, ma’rifa, hakika and the four corresponding classes of people: ‘abid, zahid, ‘arif, muhibb; the number twelve points to the number of imams. Particularly characteristic are also the twelve-fluted taslim taşi, which is worn around the neck, and the teber (double-axe).”
As mentioned, the Bektaşi had considerable protection by the Ottoman Empire particularly because the Janissaries appreciated the similarity the order had with Christianity. Esra Ozyurek states that between the 16th and the 19th centuries, the Ottomans embraced the Bektaşi Order and made it the central religious organisation of the Janissaries, until 1826 when many Janissaries were killed and the Bektaşi Order made illegal. Like the Alevi, the Bektaşi allow women to participate in rituals and often sing and dance to hymns, bestowing great favour to ‘Ali and also Shah Isma’il among others. A translated version of a nefes poem is as follows:
I took the mirror to my face
Ali appeared to my eye…
He is Jesus and Christ
He is the refuge to the believers
He is the Shah of the two worlds
Ali appeared to my eye
Ali is the pure, Ali is the clean
Ali is the hidden, Ali is the manifest
Ali is the first, Ali is the last
Ali appeared to my eye
Ali is the life, Ali is the Beloved
Ali is the religion, Ali is the belief
Ali is the merciful, Ali is the compassionate
Ali appeared to my eye.
Alawi – Syria
The endeavour to further understand the Alawi (traditional known as Nusayr’i) of Syria has increased over recent decades, particularly because most of the political and military elite are from an Alawi background. An ethnic minority numbering three million, the Alawis are mainly populated around the rural mountains of the Latakia region in Syria (75%) with a small proportion in urban cities of Syria; they can also be found in Lebanon and Israel (after the capture of the Golan Heights). Groups of Arab speaking Alevis who distinctly trace their lineage to the Alawi in Syria are located in southern Turkey (particularly Hatay and Adana) and though they share a similar name and other practices, the Alawi in Turkey do not correspond or affiliate with the Alevis of Anatolia.
Like many of the heterodox communities, little is known of their origin and mixed views are often reiterated, although it has been claimed that the Alawi are remnants of the ancient Canaanite people who were influence by Christianity and Isma’iliyyah Islam before adopting Arabic as their primary language. It has been claimed that the sect developed during the mid-ninth century in Iraq under Muhammad B. Nusayr al-Namiri who revered the tenth Shi’i Imam, yet unlike the Anatolian Alevis who were Turcoman that converted to Islam, the Alawis were Arabs that similarly converted. “The Alawites in Syria… had already established their religious sect during the tenth century in Jabal Ansariyya near Latakia. Their secret faith is described as a blend of ancient Syrian or Phoenician paganism (mainly the worship of the triad: the sun, the moon and the stars or sky), possibly influence by various Christian Trinitarianism… and largely manifested in a Shi’i-Ismaili fashion with adherence to Imam Ali, Prophet Muhammad’s first cousin and son-in-law, and to Salman al-Farisi, one of Mohammad’s Persian followers.
Because of their esoteric religious beliefs, the Alawi have experiences centuries of poverty, isolation and persecution by the Sunni elite in the region. The greater risk of violence forced the Alawi to practice taqiya much more rigorously than Alevis. The use of particular codes or jargon in their scriptures can only be understood by the initiated who are orally taught the socio-dialect and the meaning behind the content, while some manuscripts have little information about the divine charactic of ‘Ali, though it is widely known to be an integral part of Alawi belief. Most Alawi members are often excluded from the traditions and practices, especially women who are considered incapable of comprehending the vast scale of their beliefs. Sulaiman Efendi al-Adhani (b. 1834/1835) published the kitab al-bakurat as-Sulaimaniya fi kashf asrar ad-diyanat an-nusairya that discusses the origin of myth in Alawi tradition and contains narrative accounts of their cosmological structure and ideas. According to Alawi beliefs, God revealed himself to the world seven times, each time as a different figure accompanied by two others. With the divine triad and the transmigration of souls, it is believed that ‘Ali was thus an incarnation of God, accompanied by Muhammad and Salman al-Farsi. Tord Olsson provides some valuable information about the religious doctrines and esoteric content of the Alawi community that is gradually slipping into the hands of researchers.
Q[uestion] 1: Who is our Lord, who has created us?
A[nswer]: He is our master, the commander of the faith, the prince of the bees, ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib, and he is god, of whom (it holds true that) there is no god except him, the merciful, the compassionate.
The initiated can only be male and both his parents must also be Alawi. Both the Shi’i and Alawi regard Nahj al-Balagha (Peak of Eloquence), a collection of sermons and sayings written by or attributed to Ali, as critical to their religious beliefs. A dede is quite different to a hoca used in Alawi communities, particularly southern Turkey. A dede practices tarikat while a hoca would prefer the practice of şeriyat. Anyone can become a hoca and often learn or teach in Arabic, while a dede must be born into a family lineage. “They have additional specialized functions: a hoca reads the nikah before the consummation of a marriage and it is a hoca who leads the burial service cenaze and intones hymns, ilahi, over the body as it is laid to earth.”
The community are split into four tribal divisions or associations, namely Khayyatun, Haddadun, Matawirah and Kalbiyyah. While only men can be initiated into Alawi rites, there are no particular patrimonial or lineage requirements and any Alawi man can be initiated to become a tribal leader; most tribal leaders still retain a level of power amongst the rural and uneducated. The Alawi communities in the urban or coastal areas in Syria are fragmented, particularly because of their loose tribal associations and their previous dominance by the Sunni or Christian elite, sharply contrasting with the Alawi tribes in the mountainous regions who hold stronger tribal and religious ties. Nevertheless, the last several decades have shown a new and emerging Alawi community developing in both rural and urban environments, particularly due to education and career opportunities, something I shall further elucidate in another post.
Ahl-e Haqq – Iran
The Ahl-e Haqq (or Yarsan) is an Iranian based esoteric community primarily situated in western Iran, but also Iraq and Turkey, while being scattered amongst the mountains in Geran, Kermanshahan and western Azerbayjan. Most adherents are from a Kurdish or Lak (an ethnically unique Persian group closely related to Kurdish) ethnicity. It is difficult to determine the exact genesis of the religious order and white it is generally agreed that they began under the leadership of Sultan Sahak during the late 14th or early 15th century, there are hardly any sources that can directly prove this. Similar to Alevis, the Ahl-e Haqq believe in the interconnectedness of ‘alam-i batin (inner world) and ‘alam-i zahir (outer world). Like most of the syncretistic religions of the Near East, the Ahl-e Haqq believe in dunudunu or the transmigration of souls as well as mazhariyyat or the manifestation of the divine essence (God or zat-I haqq) in human beings. “The division of beings into two distinct categories is perhaps a later development of Zoroastrian ideas. The sacrifice of the cock has been several times connected with the corresponding Jewish rite, while the biblical names (Dawud, Musi) may have come through the intermediary of the Qu’ran.” The etymology of the name Ahl-e Haqq translates to, ‘followers, or people of the truth, the divinity.’ Unlike the Alawi who worship ‘Ali and revere Sultan Sahak (who is also used as an avatar in Yezidi traditional commentary), conversely the Ahl-e Haqq worship Sultan Sahak and revere ‘Ali.
The Ahl-e Haqq texts such as the Tadhkira’i A’la, the Shah-nama-ye Haqiqat and the Ilam-e Haqiqat explain tales of the genesis of the universe together with the light of God. It also similarly speaks of the ‘pearl’ that the Yezidi use to describe the divine essence. Zat-I haqq or the divine essence was originally hidden in a pearl in the ocean of the universe, and this divine essence transformed into Khavandgar (creator) in the first cycle of divine manifestation (the decond is ‘Ali before the cyclic cosmogony establishes the shari’at (Islamic law), the tariqat (ritual teachings) and ma’rifat (knowledge of divine reality) until finally manifesting in Sultan Sahak who established Ahl-e Haqq. A collection of kalam (sacred hymns) can be found in the book Kalam-i Saranjam (conclusion) sid to be written by the angel Pir Musi, a companion of Sultan Sahak who was charged with recording the actions and behaviour of people, though this elusive text written in Gurani is difficult to obtain. Like the Alevis, the Ahl-e Haqq do not follow the pillars of Islam and have instead adopted their own methods of ritual and practice. “Instead they have their own sacred universe and their own rituals, which centre on the jam (lit., assembly) when they chant their sacred hymns (kalam), play their sacred lute (tanbur), make offerings of food, and share a sacrificial meal,” while adhering to religious secrecy or sir (mystery).”
The Ahl-e Haqq have sayyids or direct descendants of Sultan Sahak and have eleven different holy lineages called khandan (house) each headed by a pir. What differentiates them from other syncretistic religions, however, is that common members of the community can obtain high-ranking religious positions while not obtained the sacred texts, instead relying on a kalam-khan or one who can recite the kalam orally without the text. Publication of Borhan al-Haqq (demonstration of truth) by Nur Ali Elahi, a Persian jurist and philosopher, describes the historical and theological of the Ahl-e Haqq and provides valuable information about their rituals, rites and beliefs.
Yazidi – Iran
Most Yazidi reside in the province of Mosul, settling particularly in the mountainous areas of Jabal Sinjar and Shaikhan, and while most Yazidi communicate officially in Kurdish, small communities can be found in Armenia, Georgia, Syria and Turkey. The Yazidi believe in unique cosmogony and myths about the genesis of the universe, angels and prophets, since their “[t]heology and mythology, particularly cosmogony, show traces of a non-Islamic tradition which may be of ancient Iranian origin.” Like most heterodox communities, the Yazidi were separated and persecuted from the Muslim world that intensified during the Ottoman period through their centralisation and sunnification policies against heterodox communities. It is difficult to trace the historical emergence of Yazidism, but “[i]t seems that Yazidism, an indigenous Kurdish faith influence by Zoroastrism, was revived by ‘Adi b. Musafir (c. 1075 – 1162), an Arab Sufi shaikh whom the Yazidi regard as the saintly founder of their religion.” Like many of the hetrodox communities, hymn (kawl) are often used to orally channel their affection for the prophets and saints and illustrate their religious beliefs.
The Yazidi believe in the one God and seven archangels, haft surr or the “Seven Mysteries”. The most revered archangel is the Ta’use-e Malak (Peacock Angel). The peacock angel known also as Melek Tawus or Azra’il has been labelled seytan (devil) by the wider Islamic community, although the Yazidi deny this assertion. They believe that human beings were created through Adam, without Eve, claiming that while “Christians, Jews and Muslims were sprung from Adam and Eve, their own patriarchs were descendants of a certain Shahid, the son of Adam alone”. The Yazidi text, Meshef Resh, tells the tale of how God created the White Pearl and the bird Enfer, before the haft surr are formed through this white pearl sitting on the back of Enfer. The Yazidi sharply contrast the love for ‘Ali unlike most of the other syncretistic religions, instead venerating Yazid b. Mu’awiya (particularly in Sinjar), the second Ummayad Caliph and son of Muawiya B. Abi Sufyan, known to be the cause of the martyrdom of Hasan and Huseyin.
It was once prohibited to read and write amongst the Yazidi that consequently created a unique oral and syncretistic tradition encapsulated within a tribal and hereditary social order with strong ties to kinship; the Yazidi hierarchical divisions also include the requirement or custom to only marry within the tribe. Worldwide horror at the violent death of a young Yazidi girl, stoned by the community due to her apparent intentions to marry a non-Yazidi and filmed on camera by the youths present, expose the simplicity to breach moral law because of such a custom. There are bavs or bras (tribal sections) that function as the main political units for the Yazidi.
Druze – Lebanon
Similar to the Alawi, many members of the Druze community are unaware of the secret doctrines of the religion and only those who are initiated are allowed to learn the esoteric content of their unique faith. Persecution forced the Druze to isolate themselves in rural or mountainous areas of southern Lebanon where their religion flourished and spread to Israel (Galilee) and Syria (Aleppo). The Druze religion began in the 11th-century during the Fatamid empire under the leadership of Hamza ibn-Ali, where in Cairo the Caliph al-Hakim bi-Amr Allah became revered as an incarnation of God. As the Druze believe in the transmigration of souls, they claim that successive reincarnations of al-Hakim will gradually allow him to return and re-establish the Druze movement. The Druze have combined their belief in the ta’wil (esoteric secrecy) and the tanzil (outer meaning) through their reverence of al-Hakim who, along with Hamza ibn ‘Ali after establishing missionaries within the Fatamid Empire, disappeared. Leadership was later given to al-Muqtana Baha ad-Din whose collected writings and epistles together with those of Hamza ibn ‘Ali developed the foundation of Druze scriptures, even though persecution turned the order into a secret religion. “Like Druze, Shi’a and Alawis they [Alevi] practiced dissimulation and secrecy about their religion (taqiya).”
The dynamics of contemporary Druze communities are highly individualised, whereby “[e]veryone “knew” or interpreted the meaning or function of every social interaction… everyone was enmeshed in it.” There are hierarchical divisions in traditional Druze communities, not only between the initiated or the ‘uqqal (sage) and the non-initiated or juhhal (ignorant), but also spiritual hierarchies amongst the ‘uqqal. The juhhal have no spiritual obligation and merely adhere to the basic tenets of communal obligation, while the ‘uqqal work as mediators if there are any social conflicts. They are highly respected for being the guardians of the esoteric and secret content. “Through their attendance at meetings in the khilwe (prayer house) on Thursday and sometimes Sunday evenings, the ‘uqqal are responsible for maintaining the spiritual well-being of the community in which they live.” Spiritual hierarchies amongst the ‘uqqal or okhtyar (old man) – who must wear distinct clothing with a laffi (red and white turban) – can be observed by the wearing of the headdress and whether one has a beard or moustache. Since the Druze believe in transmigration of the soul, women are viewed to play a crucial role in birth and the transcendental process of reincarnation, although they are not particularly allowed to participate in initiation or religious hierarchy.
 Qizilbaş literally means “red head” which is attributed to Ali who told followers at the Battle of Siffin (657CE) to tie a red cloth around their heads so that each can distinguish one from the other.
 C.E. Bosworth; H. Pearson; JD Pearson; E. Van Donzel; P.J. Bearman; J. Van Lent; H.U. Qureshi. Encyclopaedia of Islam (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1960), 1162
 The Qizilbaş were detested by the Ottomans and thus the name became known to refer to those who supported the Safavids.
 Nihat Cetinkaya, Kizilbaş Turkler, Tarihi, Oluşumu ve Gelişimi (Istanbul: Kum Saati Yayinlari, 2004) 72
 David Zeidan. “The Alevi of Anatolia” Middle East Review of International Affairs 3:4 (Dec 1999) 1
 Paul J. White and Joost Jongerden, Turkey’s Alevi Enigma: A Comprehensive Overview, (Boston: Brill, 2003) 82
 Ibid., 27
 C.E. Bosworth; H. Pearson; JD Pearson; E. Van Donzel; P.J. Bearman; J. Van Lent; H.U. Qureshi. Op. Cit., 243
 Ibid., 245
 White and Jongerden, op. cit., 54
 Ibid., 20 The Battle of Chaldiran (1514) occurred between the Shah Ismail of the Safavid Empire in Iran and Sultan Selim I of the Ottoman Empire. According to Karin Vornhoff, the Safavid Battle of Caldiran brought the Bektasi and the Kizilbas closer.
 Tord Olsson, Elisabeth Ozdalga, Catharina Raudvere, Alevi Identity: Cultural, Religious and Social Perspectives (Stockholm: Swedish Research Institute in Istanbul, 1998) 154
 White and Jongerden, op. cit., 94
 Paul Stirling, Culture and Economy: Changes in Turkish Villages (Cambridgeshire: The Eothen Press, 1993) 52
 Ibid., 53
 Ibid., 54. An effendi is a title given to the religious nobility and live in the town of Haci Bektas. They often come into town to not only have direct contact with villagers to also to collect and dues.
 White and Jongerden, op. cit., pp 98-99
 Stirling, op. cit., 56
 Ibid., 54
 Ibid., 55
 Ibid., 55
 Ibid., 57
 Ibid., 54
 Ibid., 54
 Ibid., 56
 Michael Stewart, “Modernity and the Alevis of Turkey: Identity, Challenges and Change” Journal of International Relations Vol. 9 (Spring 2007) 1-19
 White and Jongerden, op. cit., 43
 Stirling, op. cit., 54
 White and Jongerden, op. cit., 53
 Stirling, op. cit., 54. Michael Stewart, “Modernity and the Alevis of Turkey: Identity, Challenges and Change” Journal of International Relations Vol. 9 (Spring 2007) 1-19
 Irene Melikoff, Haci Bektas Efsaneden Gercege Ceviren: Turan Alptekin (Istanbul: Cumhuriet Kitaplari, 2004) 328
 White and Jongerden, op. cit., 26
 Ibid., 17
 G.E Driver “The Religion of the Kurds” Bulletin of the School of Oriental Studies, (University of London, 1922) 5
 Michael H. Van Dusen, “Political Integration and Regionalism in Syria” Middle East Journal 26:2 (Spring 1972) 128
 C.E. Bosworth; H. Pearson; JD Pearson; E. Van Donzel; P.J. Bearman; J. Van Lent; H.U. Qureshi. Op. Cit., 1162
 Ibid., 1162
 Olsson, Ozdalga and Raudvere, op. cit., 152
 Melikoff, op. cit., 290. Pir Sultan Abdal is a famous poet – “Hatai etkileyici ve surukleyici (charismatique) bir kisilik olmakla birlikte, Betasi-Alevi sairler icinde en taninan vee n evilen suphesiz Pir Sultan Adbal’dir.”
 Ibid., 255
 Stewart, op. cit., 135
 Ibid., 177
 Faksh, op. cit., 134
 C.E. Bosworth; H. Pearson; JD Pearson; E. Van Donzel; P.J. Bearman; J. Van Lent; H.U. Qureshi. Op. Cit., 1162
Olsson, Ozdalga and Raudvere, op. cit., 152
 Faksh, op. cit., 135
 C.E. Bosworth; H. Pearson; JD Pearson; E. Van Donzel; P.J. Bearman; J. Van Lent; H.U. Qureshi. Op. Cit., 146
 Olsson, Ozdalga and Raudvere, op. cit., 152
 Ibid., 177
 Faksh, op. cit., 135
 Ibid., 135. Salman al-Farsi was a companion of the prophet Mohammad.
 The sources are from the kitab ta’lim diyanat an-nusairiya.
 White and Jongerden, op. cit., 44
 Faksh, op. cit., 137
 Hosseini, Z. Mir, “Inner Truth and Outer History: The Two World of the Ahl-I Haqq of Kurdistan” International Journal of Middle East Studies, 26 (1994) 268
 Ibid., 267
 C.E. Bosworth; H. Pearson; JD Pearson; E. Van Donzel; P.J. Bearman; J. Van Lent; H.U. Qureshi. Op. Cit., 263
 Hosseini, op. cit., 267
 Ibid., 271
 Ibid., 268
 Ibid., 268
 Ibid., 270
 Ibid., 270
 Fuccaro, Nelida. “Communalism and the State in Iraq: Yazidi Kurds (c1869 – 1940) Middle Eastern Studies (35:2, 1999) 1.
 C.E. Bosworth; H. Pearson; JD Pearson; E. Van Donzel; P.J. Bearman; J. Van Lent; H.U. Qureshi. Op. Cit., 314
 Fuccaro, op. cit., 10
 Ibid., 314
 Driver, op. cit., 201
 Fuccaro, op. cit., 15
 J. Oppenheimer, “Culture and Politics in Druze Ethnicity”, 1:3 (1977) 623
 Ibid., 623
 Ibid., 623
 Zeidan, op. cit., 2
 Louise E. Sweet, “Visiting Patterns and Social Dynamics in Eastern Mediterranean Communities” Anthropological Quarterly, 47:1 (Jan., 1974) 113
 Oppenheimer, op. cit., 624
 Ibid., 624